The Palestinian Islamist movement in a new light - Sara Roy has spent 25 years engaged in some form of research on the Gaza Strip and West Bank. She has written “Failing peace: Gaza and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict” and “The Gaza Strip: The Political Economy of De-development.” In her latest book, “Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza,” she tackles Hamas, focusing on its little known social services activities.
It is not only the nature of the topic which is interesting, but also the fact that the author acknowledges that she is Jewish. This, according to Roy, created concern, curiosity and some suspicion, but rarely, if ever, hostility.
“Once I explained why I was in Gaza — to learn about Palestinians and their lives — and gained their trust, which surprisingly did not take very long, my being Jewish became invaluable. In fact, it opened many doors that usually remained shut to outsiders,” writes Roy.
Resolutely unbiased, Roy sets the tone of the book from the very beginning. She has always made it a priority to live among Palestinians and even “walk in their shoes.” This empathy, present throughout the book, helps the author go beyond the usual stereotypes and falsities so often portrayed in the foreign press. Roy admits that despite all that has been written about them, the Palestinians remain largely ignored and misunderstood and that Hamas is viewed as an “insular, one-dimensional entity dedicated solely to violence and to the destruction of the Jewish State.”
This in-depth study examines Hamas and the relationship between its social and political sectors. It also describes Islamic institutions and what they provide within a context of chaos, dislocation and pain. Hamas, the acronym meaning “zeal” for “Harakat Al-Muqawama Al-Islamyya,” which is the “Islamic Resistance Movement,” was born in 1987 during the first Palestinian uprising, or Intifada.
The news broke out in late August 1993 that Israel and the PLO had been negotiating in secret to end their conflict. Subsequently, a Declaration of Principles — the first of the Oslo peace accords — was signed on Sept. 13, 1993. Hamas, with other Palestinian factions based in Damascus, totally rejected and condemned the Oslo Accords, which they considered a betrayal of Palestinian national and historic rights. At the time, however, popular sentiment in Palestine supported the Oslo Accords. Seven years later, the demise of the July 2000 Camp David triggered the second Intifada. It also triggered the strengthening of Hamas, which culminated with its electoral victory in January 2006 — a democratic vote that mainly sanctioned Fatah’s years of corrupt and inefficient rule.
The author firmly criticizes the ongoing demonization and isolation of the Islamists by the West and Israel in order to exclude them from the political process.
“In fact, there can be no credible peace process with a Palestinian government that excludes the party elected by Palestinians to govern them. As this book argues, Hamas not only remains open to sharing power, it also has a history of nonviolent accommodation and political adaptation…that the West should welcome,” writes Roy.
By examining the Islamic social institutions in Gaza, the author shows the possibilities for moderation and transformation within the Islamist movement and Hamas in particular. Hamas combined its Islamic social mission with its political priorities toward resistance and martyrdom, placing each one at the service of the other.
From the time it was established, Hamas has never ceased to expand and strengthen its network of social services. By 1995, between 7,000 and 10,000 orphaned children in Gaza received help. A case took between a day to two months to review, and once approved, an orphan received a monthly sum of money, until the age of 16. Education, nevertheless, remained its priority. It assumed different forms, including formal education, extracurricular classes devoted to Qur’anic study and remedial tutoring in various subjects. Educational policies were particularly effective in the refugee camps. The kindergartens set up by Islamic organizations maintained an excellent education and discipline. Consequently, parents of all social classes, including the wealthy, preferred to send their children to these schools.
Islamic social institutions in Gaza blended religion, culture and service with everyday life, creating a public structure that cut across cleavages of class, gender and religion and promoted a sense of solidarity in the community. Furthermore, Islamic social institutions did not attempt to reorganize society according to an Islamic model. On the contrary, they cooperated and even helped improve state services.
“Contrary to the image we have in the West of narrow, indoctrinated organizations, I found quite the opposite: institutions characterized by flexibility and openness and far greater tolerance than assumed. In fact, it was increasingly the constellation of Islamic NGOs, both Hamas affiliated or not, that arguably were laying the foundation for civil society in Palestine more forcibly than their secular counterparts, which had become far more globalized and out-ward-oriented,” writes Roy.
During her numerous visits to Islamic social institutions in Gaza, the author noticed that members of Hamas were not “anti-Jewish,” contrary to what people might expect. During a meeting with Dr. Medhat, the Medical Director of Al-Wafa Medical Rehabilitation Hospital, Roy was surprised to hear Dr Medhat tell her: “So, you are Jewish. This is good. So, you can see for yourself who we are and what we are doing. I know there are Jews who do not support what Israel is doing. Ahlan wa sahlan (Welcome).”
However, it is interesting to note that Hamas never succeeded in capturing the hearts and minds of Palestinians on a political-ideological level because the majority of Palestinians have never favored an Islamic political agenda.
In a useful postscript, the author presents some interesting reflections on the current situation in Gaza, following Israel’s massive assault, on Dec. 27, 2008, which killed 1,417 Palestinians, mostly civilians (926) and children (313). This attack targeted all Palestinians for their continued resistance and their refusal to accede to Israeli demands.
The ensuing devastation and the virtual collapse of Gaza’s private sector has reduced the economy to one virtually dependent on public sector employment, relief aid and a lucrative black market.
“The situation in Gaza and the West Bank is wholly unsustainable. If Palestinians continue to be denied what we demand for ourselves — an ordinary life, dignity, livelihood, protection, and a home (in short, freedom) — then violence, division and decline will intensify. At stake is an entire generation of Palestinians. If they are lost, we shall all bear the cost,” concludes Roy.
“Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza” shows the Palestinian Islamist movement in a new light. The author analyzes a complex subject with a sound judgment and a remarkable, unbiased approach. By recognizing Hamas’ potential for moderation, adaptation and change, Roy uncovers the wall of lies and deceit built around the Islamist movement as well as the need for just, non-discriminatory and fair-minded policies ( arabnews.com )
It is not only the nature of the topic which is interesting, but also the fact that the author acknowledges that she is Jewish. This, according to Roy, created concern, curiosity and some suspicion, but rarely, if ever, hostility.
“Once I explained why I was in Gaza — to learn about Palestinians and their lives — and gained their trust, which surprisingly did not take very long, my being Jewish became invaluable. In fact, it opened many doors that usually remained shut to outsiders,” writes Roy.
Resolutely unbiased, Roy sets the tone of the book from the very beginning. She has always made it a priority to live among Palestinians and even “walk in their shoes.” This empathy, present throughout the book, helps the author go beyond the usual stereotypes and falsities so often portrayed in the foreign press. Roy admits that despite all that has been written about them, the Palestinians remain largely ignored and misunderstood and that Hamas is viewed as an “insular, one-dimensional entity dedicated solely to violence and to the destruction of the Jewish State.”
This in-depth study examines Hamas and the relationship between its social and political sectors. It also describes Islamic institutions and what they provide within a context of chaos, dislocation and pain. Hamas, the acronym meaning “zeal” for “Harakat Al-Muqawama Al-Islamyya,” which is the “Islamic Resistance Movement,” was born in 1987 during the first Palestinian uprising, or Intifada.
The news broke out in late August 1993 that Israel and the PLO had been negotiating in secret to end their conflict. Subsequently, a Declaration of Principles — the first of the Oslo peace accords — was signed on Sept. 13, 1993. Hamas, with other Palestinian factions based in Damascus, totally rejected and condemned the Oslo Accords, which they considered a betrayal of Palestinian national and historic rights. At the time, however, popular sentiment in Palestine supported the Oslo Accords. Seven years later, the demise of the July 2000 Camp David triggered the second Intifada. It also triggered the strengthening of Hamas, which culminated with its electoral victory in January 2006 — a democratic vote that mainly sanctioned Fatah’s years of corrupt and inefficient rule.
The author firmly criticizes the ongoing demonization and isolation of the Islamists by the West and Israel in order to exclude them from the political process.
“In fact, there can be no credible peace process with a Palestinian government that excludes the party elected by Palestinians to govern them. As this book argues, Hamas not only remains open to sharing power, it also has a history of nonviolent accommodation and political adaptation…that the West should welcome,” writes Roy.
By examining the Islamic social institutions in Gaza, the author shows the possibilities for moderation and transformation within the Islamist movement and Hamas in particular. Hamas combined its Islamic social mission with its political priorities toward resistance and martyrdom, placing each one at the service of the other.
From the time it was established, Hamas has never ceased to expand and strengthen its network of social services. By 1995, between 7,000 and 10,000 orphaned children in Gaza received help. A case took between a day to two months to review, and once approved, an orphan received a monthly sum of money, until the age of 16. Education, nevertheless, remained its priority. It assumed different forms, including formal education, extracurricular classes devoted to Qur’anic study and remedial tutoring in various subjects. Educational policies were particularly effective in the refugee camps. The kindergartens set up by Islamic organizations maintained an excellent education and discipline. Consequently, parents of all social classes, including the wealthy, preferred to send their children to these schools.
Islamic social institutions in Gaza blended religion, culture and service with everyday life, creating a public structure that cut across cleavages of class, gender and religion and promoted a sense of solidarity in the community. Furthermore, Islamic social institutions did not attempt to reorganize society according to an Islamic model. On the contrary, they cooperated and even helped improve state services.
“Contrary to the image we have in the West of narrow, indoctrinated organizations, I found quite the opposite: institutions characterized by flexibility and openness and far greater tolerance than assumed. In fact, it was increasingly the constellation of Islamic NGOs, both Hamas affiliated or not, that arguably were laying the foundation for civil society in Palestine more forcibly than their secular counterparts, which had become far more globalized and out-ward-oriented,” writes Roy.
During her numerous visits to Islamic social institutions in Gaza, the author noticed that members of Hamas were not “anti-Jewish,” contrary to what people might expect. During a meeting with Dr. Medhat, the Medical Director of Al-Wafa Medical Rehabilitation Hospital, Roy was surprised to hear Dr Medhat tell her: “So, you are Jewish. This is good. So, you can see for yourself who we are and what we are doing. I know there are Jews who do not support what Israel is doing. Ahlan wa sahlan (Welcome).”
However, it is interesting to note that Hamas never succeeded in capturing the hearts and minds of Palestinians on a political-ideological level because the majority of Palestinians have never favored an Islamic political agenda.
In a useful postscript, the author presents some interesting reflections on the current situation in Gaza, following Israel’s massive assault, on Dec. 27, 2008, which killed 1,417 Palestinians, mostly civilians (926) and children (313). This attack targeted all Palestinians for their continued resistance and their refusal to accede to Israeli demands.
The ensuing devastation and the virtual collapse of Gaza’s private sector has reduced the economy to one virtually dependent on public sector employment, relief aid and a lucrative black market.
“The situation in Gaza and the West Bank is wholly unsustainable. If Palestinians continue to be denied what we demand for ourselves — an ordinary life, dignity, livelihood, protection, and a home (in short, freedom) — then violence, division and decline will intensify. At stake is an entire generation of Palestinians. If they are lost, we shall all bear the cost,” concludes Roy.
“Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza” shows the Palestinian Islamist movement in a new light. The author analyzes a complex subject with a sound judgment and a remarkable, unbiased approach. By recognizing Hamas’ potential for moderation, adaptation and change, Roy uncovers the wall of lies and deceit built around the Islamist movement as well as the need for just, non-discriminatory and fair-minded policies ( arabnews.com )
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